Skip to main content

“Great American Desert”

    Early nineteenth century Army explorers Zebulon Pike and Stephen H. Long conceptualized the Great Plains east of the Rocky Mountains as the “Great American Desert.” Long’s report called it “unfit for cultivation,” while Pike compared it to “the sandy deserts of Africa.” The myth of the Great American Desert deterred the settlement of the Great Plains, as migrants heading west typically passed through the uninviting region as quickly as possible. The myth also intensified antebellum sectional politics, as the North and the South struggled over congressional representation by seeking to control the admission of new states, such as Colorado, into the Union.

    Birth of a Myth

    Edwin James, chronicler of Long’s 1820 expedition, established the image of the Great American Desert when he described the Great Plains as “uninhabitable by a people depending upon agriculture for their subsistence.” An 1823 map produced by Long labeled the region the Great American Desert, which permanently fixed the term in the minds of westward migrants, eastern and western boosters, and politicians.

    Geographies published in New England from 1820 to 1835 perpetuated the myth. Elite New Englanders, fearing that new western states would diminish northeastern political power, pointed to the foreboding description of the area as a reason for halting westward expansion. During the middle third of the nineteenth century, the desert myth held little appeal among southerners or citizens in the interior, especially on the frontier and eastern margins of the Great Plains. The Mormons were an exception: from 1855 onward, the Great American Desert had become an invented tradition for a majority of their faithful. From the pulpit, Mormon leaders transformed the Mormon’s relatively easy crossing of the Great Plains into a neo-Mosaic traverse of an American Sinai. The Mormons’ crossing of the Great American Desert east of the Rockies proved to be the crucible of the Latter-day Saints, proof that Mormons were God’s chosen people.

    Dispelling and Embracing the Myth

    By the mid-nineteenth century, Great Plains boosters, writers for railroads, and chambers of commerce in Colorado, Nebraska, and Kansas began publishing hundreds of pamphlets and books promoting the region. The 1890s discovery of the Ogallala Aquifer, one of the world’s largest freshwater aquifers, further eroded the desert myth.

    In addition, the late nineteenth century brought higher-than-average rainfall to the Great Plains. Multiple theories emerged to explain the increased precipitation. Some attributed it to Manifest Destiny—a reward from a benevolent God for settling a promised land. Others held that “rain followed the plow”—that is, plowing the soil and planting trees brought desirable climatic changes. In promoting the Great Plains, boosters touted the “conquest” of the Great American Desert and challenged potential migrants to go west and further the change. The boosters, local historians, and Great Plains newspaper editors of the period between 1870 and 1900 effectively erased the memory of the arid land encountered by the pioneers.

    After 1880, Great Plains pioneers adopted the New England boosters’ concept of the desert in interviews for state historical societies and local history publications. Predominantly Midwesterners who had not read about the Great American Desert during the 1850s and 1860s, these pioneers nonetheless talked themselves into believing that they had either conquered or disproved the existence of a desert. In effect, by claiming to have conquered it, the pioneers revived the concept of the Great American Desert; thus, the romantic Great Plains historians, drawing confidently and uncritically from the pioneers’ embellished accounts, further propagated the concept in their work between 1885 and 1910.

    In The Great Plains (1931), Walter Prescott Webb cites references to the Great American Desert in school geography texts from the 1840s and 1850s to argue that the idea of a Great American Desert did exist in the American mind from 1820 to 1870. Webb maintained that the idea was at the height of its popularity in the 1850s and that it halted the expansion of the American frontier. The nation’s textbooks and students followed Webb’s interpretation for decades. However, with the exception of the Mormons after 1855 and a well-educated minority in the northeast before 1855, practically nobody between 1820 and 1870 believed in the existence of a desert west of the Missouri River. Ironically, the only period that such a belief existed consensually in the American mind was between 1920 to 1970—courtesy of Webb.

    But while eastern Colorado is not technically a desert, it is prone to harsh droughts, such as the one during the 1930s that helped cause the Dust Bowl. More recently, recurring droughts in the 2010s have brought back some of the Dust Bowl–like conditions in parts of southeastern Colorado. Given the realities of episodic but searing drought and the difficulties humans have faced in forcing this semi-arid region to bloom, Pike, Long and their disciples perhaps chose an apt metaphor in comparing the region to a desert.

    Adapted from Martyn J. Bowden, “Great American Desert,” Encyclopedia of the Great Plains, ed. David J. Wishart (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2004).

    Early nineteenth-century Army explorers Zebulon Pike and Stephen H. Long thought of the Great Plains east of the Rocky Mountains as the “Great American Desert.” Long’s report called it “unfit for cultivation.” Pike compared it to “the sandy deserts of Africa.” The myth of the Great American Desert deterred the settlement of the Great Plains. Migrants heading west passed through the region as quickly as possible.

    Birth of a Myth

    Edwin James, chronicler of Long’s 1820 expedition, established the image of the Great American Desert. He described the Great Plains as “uninhabitable by a people depending upon agriculture for their subsistence.” An 1823 map produced by Long labeled the region the Great American Desert. This fixed the term in the minds of westward migrants and politicians.

    Geographies published in New England from 1820 to 1835 continued the myth. New Englanders feared that new western states would diminish northeastern political power. They pointed to the description of the area as a reason for halting westward expansion. The desert myth held little appeal among southerners or citizens in the interior. The Mormons were an exception. From 1855 on, the Great American Desert had become an invented tradition for their faithful. From the pulpit, Mormon leaders turned the Mormon’s relatively easy crossing of the Great Plains into a neo-Mosaic traverse of an American Sinai.

    Dispelling and Embracing the Myth

    By the mid-nineteenth century, Great Plains boosters and chambers of commerce in Colorado, Nebraska, and Kansas began publishing hundreds of pamphlets and books promoting the region. The 1890s discovery of the Ogallala Aquifer, one of the world’s largest freshwater aquifers, further destroyed the desert myth.

    In addition, the late nineteenth century brought higher-than-average rainfall to the Great Plains. Multiple theories emerged to explain the increased rainfall. Some thought it was Manifest Destiny—a reward from God for settling a promised land. Others held that “rain followed the plow.” That is, plowing the soil and planting trees brought desirable climatic changes. Boosters touted the “conquest” of the Great American Desert. They challenged migrants to go west and further the change. The boosters, local historians, and Great Plains newspaper editors between 1870 and 1900 erased the memory of the arid land.

    In The Great Plains (1931), Walter Prescott Webb cites references to the Great American Desert in school geography texts from the 1840s and 1850s to argue that the idea of a Great American Desert did exist in the American mind from 1820 to 1870. Webb maintained that the idea was at the height of its acceptance in the 1850s. It halted the expansion of the American frontier. The nation’s textbooks and students followed Webb’s opinion for decades. However, with the exception of the Mormons after 1855 and a well-educated minority in the northeast before 1855, practically nobody between 1820 and 1870 believed in the existence of a desert west of the Missouri River. The only period that such a belief existed in the American mind was between 1920 to 1970—courtesy of Webb.

    But while eastern Colorado is not a desert, it is prone to harsh droughts, such as the one during the 1930s that helped cause the Dust Bowl. Recurring droughts in the 2010s have brought back some of the Dust Bowl–like conditions in parts of southeastern Colorado. Given the realities of drought and the difficulties humans have faced in forcing this semi-arid region to bloom, Pike, Long and their disciples perhaps chose an appropriate metaphor in comparing the region to a desert.

    Army explorers Zebulon Pike and Stephen H. Long thought of the Great Plains east of the Rocky Mountains as the “Great American Desert.” Long’s report called it “unfit for cultivation.” Pike compared it to “the sandy deserts of Africa.” The myth of the Great American Desert deterred settlement of the Great Plains. Migrants heading west passed through the region as quickly as possible.

    Birth of a Myth

    Edwin James, chronicler of Long’s 1820 expedition, created the image of the Great American Desert. He described the Great Plains as “uninhabitable...” An 1823 map created by Long labeled the region the Great American Desert. This fixed the term in the minds of westward migrants and politicians.

    Geographies published in New England from 1820 to 1835 continued the myth. New Englanders feared new western states would diminish their political power. They pointed to the description of the area as a reason for halting westward expansion. The desert myth held little appeal among southerners or citizens in the interior. The Mormons were an exception. From 1855 on, the Great American Desert had become an invented tradition for their faithful.

    Dispelling and Embracing the Myth

    By the mid-nineteenth century, Great Plains boosters in Colorado, Nebraska, and Kansas began publishing pamphlets and books promoting the region. The 1890s discovery of the Ogallala Aquifer, one of the world’s largest freshwater aquifers, further destroyed the desert myth.

    The late nineteenth century brought higher-than-average rainfall to the Great Plains. Multiple theories emerged to explain the increase. Some thought it was Manifest Destiny—a reward from God for settling a promised land. Others held that “rain followed the plow.” That is, plowing the soil and planting trees brought desirable climate changes. Boosters challenged migrants to go west and further the change. The boosters, local historians, and Great Plains newspaper editors between 1870 and 1900 erased the memory of the arid land.

    In The Great Plains (1931), Walter Prescott Webb cites references to the Great American Desert in school geography texts from the 1840s and 1850s. He argued that the idea of a Great American Desert did exist in the American mind from 1820 to 1870. Webb said the idea was at the height of its acceptance in the 1850s. It halted the growth of the American frontier. The nation’s textbooks and students followed Webb’s opinion for decades. However, the only time the idea was widely believed was between 1920 to 1970—because of Webb.

    Eastern Colorado is not a desert. However, it is prone to droughts, such as the one during the 1930s that helped cause the Dust Bowl. Droughts in the 2010s have brought back some of the Dust Bowl–like conditions in parts of southeastern Colorado. Given the realities of drought, Pike and Long might have rightly compared the region to a desert.

    Explorers Zebulon Pike and Stephen H. Long thought of the Great Plains east of the Rocky Mountains as the “Great American Desert.” Pike compared it to “the sandy deserts of Africa.” The myth of the Great American Desert deterred settlement of the Great Plains. Migrants heading west passed through the region as quickly as possible.

    Birth of a Myth

    Edwin James, chronicler of Long’s 1820 expedition, created the image of the Great American Desert.  An 1823 map made by Long labeled the region the Great American Desert. This fixed the term in the minds of westward migrants and politicians.

    Geographies published in New England from 1820 to 1835 continued the myth. New Englanders feared new western states would take away from their political power. They pointed to the description of the area as a reason for halting westward expansion.

    Dispelling and Embracing the Myth

    By the mid-nineteenth century, Great Plains boosters began publishing pamphlets and books promoting the region. The 1890s discovery of the Ogallala Aquifer further destroyed the desert myth.

    The late nineteenth century brought higher-than-average rainfall to the Great Plains. There were several theories about the increase. Some thought was a reward from God for settling a promised land. Others held that “rain followed the plow.” That is, plowing the soil and planting trees brought climate changes. Boosters challenged migrants to go west and further the change. Between 1870 and 1900, the boosters erased the memory of the dry land.

    In The Great Plains (1931), Walter Prescott Webb cites references to the Great American Desert in school geography texts from the 1840s and 1850s. He said that the idea of a Great American Desert did exist in the American mind from 1820 to 1870. Webb said the idea was its height in the 1850s. It halted the growth of the American frontier. The nation’s students followed Webb’s opinion for decades. However, the only time the idea was widely believed was between 1920 and 1970—because of Webb.

    Eastern Colorado is not a desert. It is prone to droughts. Given the realities of drought, Pike and Long might have rightly compared the region to a desert.